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我们应该怎样看待埃及人民的变革诉求

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我们应该怎样看待埃及人民的变革诉求
三妹


埃及人民于一月二十四日走上街头至今已经八天,这次埃及人民的诉求和口号既简单又明确,要独裁者穆巴拉克下台。而且,埃及人民对此坚定不移,大有不达目的绝不收兵之势。


埃及人民在街头坚持八天的同时,也伴随着许多的估计和担忧。一个很强烈的担忧是,四十年前伊朗霍梅尼上台的历史会在埃及重演,即,伊斯兰原教旨主义极端势力会掌握权力。对此最担忧的是以色列。我给我北京的小妹夫,中国第一号中东专家(曾留学以色列)打电话,他也很肯定地说到这个担忧。


我对这个担忧表示极大怀疑,因为我认为担忧的人是以一种固定不变的眼光看待历史和人民。四十年前的霍梅尼时代到现在的网络时代已有很大的变化,人民的思维也在变化和进步。看看中国,人民在变,大环境在变,社会在变,中共虽然邪恶本质没变,它也不能像四十年前那样疏而不漏地控制人民了。埃及人民也一样生活在信息时代,他们现在已不是四十年前的伊朗人民。我的小妹夫说,穆斯林宗教偏狭,人民非常依赖宗教,这给了政客玩政治走向独裁的机会。


这几天,我也听到其他对伊斯兰人民能否搞好民主的怀疑,认为这些穆斯林的民主一定会变味。其实,民主就是这样慢慢长大成熟的。当初中世纪欧洲人民依赖宗教的程度一点不差,所以教会利用人民在心灵上对宗教的依赖而对人民巧取豪夺 ——出售赎罪券(赦罪书),才有后来的马丁.路德(Martin Luther1483~1546)的改教运动,才有后来的政教分离和民主自由。人类都是这么走过来的。六十年代的美国民主也不完善,黑人还没有选举权,马丁.路德金的抗争运动还被打压,领袖被暗杀。民主的道路确实是艰难的常有反复的。而人民争取自由的本能却不能被任何阻力所扼杀。因此,我们对待今天的埃及人民的变革诉求要支持,一不能歧视,二不能因噎废食。既便民主有反复和不成熟,人民也有追求和享有自由的权利,人民也能够在追求民主的进程中提高素质和成熟。这次埃及人民的街头运动就是一次提高人民民主素质的运动。


纽约时报著名专栏作家纪思道在埃及的现场报道就说明了这点,给人以启发。我在此翻译几段如下:


“这些追求民主的示威者都一致地说,美国站在穆巴拉克一边而不是他们一边。他们这样感觉,一是因为美国最近发布的政治声明都太小心翼翼和精于利弊权衡,还因为攻击这些示威者的催泪弹都是美国制造的。”


“无论我走到哪里埃及人都对我强调,美国不应该认为他们的运动是威胁美国。而我却悲哀地感到,埃及人正在给美国人讲授民主美德。”


“一个生理学教授对我说:‘我们需要你们的支持。我们需要自由。”


“一个医科学生对我说:‘埃及人民永远不会忘记今天奥巴马说的话。如果他支持埃及独裁者,埃及人永远不会忘记,那就不是三十年了。”


“也许我深受 Tahrir广场的感染,但我认为这些示威者们说得有道理。美国的平衡术没有起作用。越来越清楚的是,只有穆巴拉克先生下台,埃及才会稳定下来。 他应当下台离开这个国家,这既符合美国的利益,也符合埃及的利益。我们也应该对Tahrir广场勇敢的男女们致敬——这也是向美国自己的历史和价值观致敬 ——美国应该明确表明:美国要站在追求民主的和平人群一边,而不是站在那些威胁民主的人一边。”


三妹译
二0一一年二月一日

 

附:
纽约时报著名专栏作家纪思道关于埃及革命的现场报道:因开罗的希望而欣喜若狂(Exhilarated by the Hope in Cairo)

Exhilarated by the Hope in Cairo

By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF

Published: January 31, 2011

CAIRO

Damon Winter/The New York Times

Nicholas D. Kristof


As I stand in Tahrir Square on Monday trying to interview protesters, dozens of people surging around me and pleading for the United States to back their call for democracy, the yearning and hopefulness of these Egyptians taking huge risks is intoxicating.

When I lived in Cairo many years ago studying Arabic, Tahrir Square, also called Liberation Square, always frankly carried a hint of menace. It was cacophonous and dirty, full of crazed motorists in dilapidated cars. That was way back at a time when the then-new Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, talked a good game about introducing democracy.

Now the manic drivers are gone, replaced by cheering throngs waving banners clamoring for the democracy they never got — and by volunteers who scrupulously pick up litter, establish order and hand out drinks and food.

“I’m going home right now to get food and drinks for the demonstrators,” one middle-age man, Waheed Hussein, told me as he hopped into his car near Tahrir Square shortly after curfew fell. While talking to me, he allowed a hitchhiker to jump in, and then the hitchhiker decided to bring back supplies as well. With great pride, the two new friends explained to me that this would be their contribution to the birth of an authentic Egyptian democracy.

In short, Tahrir Square has lost its menace and suddenly become the most exhilarating place in the world.

Yet one thing nags at me. These pro-democracy protesters say overwhelmingly that America is on the side of President Mubarak and not with them. They feel that way partly because American policy statements seem so nervous, so carefully calculated — and partly because these protesters were attacked with tear gas shells marked “made in U.S.A.”
The upshot is that this pro-democracy movement, full of courage and idealism and speaking the language of 1776, wasn’t inspired by us. No, the Egyptians said they feel inspired by Tunisia — and a bit stymied by America.

Everywhere I go, Egyptians insist to me that Americans shouldn’t perceive their movement as a threat. And I find it sad that Egyptians are lecturing Americans on the virtues of democracy.

“We need your support,” pleaded Dr. Mahmood Hussein, a physiology professor. “We need freedom.”

Ahmed Muhammad, a medical student, told me: “Egyptian people will not forget what Obama does today. If he supports the Egyptian dictator, the Egyptian people will never forget that. Not for 30 years.”

The movement is snowballing. Protesters scorn what they see as baby steps toward reform by Mr. Mubarak, when they insist that he must make a giant leap — away from Egypt.

As I see it, Mr. Mubarak’s only chance to stay in power is if he orders a violent crackdown, and if the Army obeys him. Neither is inevitable, but both, sadly, may still be possible. The mood was just as thrilling at Tiananmen before the soldiers opened fire in 1989.

It’s troubling that Mr. Mubarak still seems to be digging in. State television doesn’t even show images of Tahrir Square, and it emphasizes the chaos of recent days — perhaps trying to create a pretext for a crackdown.

And, yes, there is a measure of chaos. In my old neighborhood of Bab el-Luq, as in much of Cairo, young men stand at every intersection all night to man checkpoints aimed at stopping looters and criminals. The young men are armed with clubs, machetes and, occasionally, guns, and they carefully checked my ID. I passed through dozens of these checkpoints.

None of these armed men asked for money or were hostile; indeed, when they found out that I was an American journalist, they were as friendly as a gang of young men holding machetes and clubs can be. But it’s still true that armed roadblocks every 100 yards is not a sign of normal city life.

All of this presents the White House with a conundrum. It’s difficult to abandon a longtime ally like Mr. Mubarak, even if he has been corrupt and oppressive. But our messaging isn’t working, and many Egyptian pro-democracy advocates said they feel betrayed that Americans are obsessing on what might go wrong for the price of oil, for Israel, for the Suez Canal — instead of focusing on the prospect of freedom and democracy for the Egyptian people.

Maybe I’m too caught up in the giddiness of Tahrir Square, but I think the protesters have a point. Our equivocation isn’t working. It’s increasingly clear that stability will come to Egypt only after Mr.
Mubarak steps down. It’s in our interest, as well as Egypt’s, that he resign and leave the country. And we also owe it to the brave men and women of Tahrir Square — and to our own history and values — to make one thing very clear: We stand with the peaceful throngs pleading for democracy, not with those who menace them.


 

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游客
   06/30/11 09:18:51 AM
中国觉醒的人不到十分之一,法轮功学员还在被迫害,马列毛邓三还是读书人的必修课,大学生多半还是呆子!虽然基督徒没有遭受公开的迫害,但教堂里还是免谈政治的,我虽然是基督徒你,但越来越不愿再去教堂!